Rudd attacks on two fronts in war for re-election
This may sound contradictory, yet it is also the basis of a thoroughly postmodern battle plan now being executed by Field Marshal Rudd: a two-pronged approach designed to both get Tony and get "old" Labor.
That Abbott is Rudd's main opponent is obvious. Hardened by the bitter lessons of his own past, alloyed with his legendary self-belief, a time-poor Rudd is going for broke - aiming straight at his punchy adversary, and hoping to beat him at his own game.
Asylum seeker policy is a case in point: where Julia Gillard always tried to manage the problem out of the news, believing Labor could not combat the sheer cut-through power of Abbott's "stop the boats" mantra, Rudd views that as surrender.
Hence his incendiary claim that Abbott's policy risks diplomatic conflict with Indonesia. And hence, his Howard-esque charge that the Liberal pretender lacks the "ticker" needed to lead if he will not front up in debates on debt, on the carbon "tax", and most explosively, on boats.
Rudd is well on the way to assembling a new inner circle, this time with the welcome addition of a few "grey beards", unlike 2007.
He is also well advanced in mapping out his election strategy which he is doing with the all the precision of a military campaign.
Despite the odds, he believes he can win and that he has two big weapons in his arsenal. First, there is his double-digit lead in the better prime minister stakes, which means he starts as the people's favourite, even if his party doesn't. Second, there is the advantage of incumbency, even for him. This includes the prestige of the office itself, the facilities of a well-resourced bureaucracy, and crucially, the element of surprise on election timing that had been curiously surrendered by Gillard.
If nothing else, Rudd wants to use what time he does have to mess with Abbott's head. Already there are signs that the rejoined contest has spooked some senior Liberals.
Yet Abbott is just half the challenge for Rudd. The other opponent is Labor's inner demons, particularly in NSW where the taint of corruption and cosseted power has pulled the brand under.
A word cloud around the ALP brings up terms like union power, factions, warlords, faceless men, and backstabbing. In the premier state, it gets worse with names such as Eddie Obeid, Craig Thomson, and Ian Macdonald joining terms such as property developers, zoning scandals, dodgy deals, and rorting.
So soiled is the Labor brand that some of its federal MPs and candidates in western Sydney seats are campaigning without mentioning their party.
Rudd's lightning 30-day federal raid on the NSW branch (announced on Thursday) is designed to send a message to voters that Rudd Labor is a different deal altogether. Indeed, if the name "New Labour" had not already been used - and discredited - in the UK, it would be the banner under which his internal reform drive would now be operating.
Convincing or not, Rudd's message to voters in NSW is as blunt as it is risky. It boils down to: "forget Labor, vote Rudd".
Those close to the national executive intervention in NSW concede the option of a longer compliance period was expected but say Rudd wanted to get it done fast so he could achieve at least one thing before pulling the election trigger.
Abbott, on the other hand, says the only way to clean up Labor is to give it a spell in opposition.
This certainly is a postmodern election we're heading for. Both leaders agree that one brand is poison, and are even going out of their way to highlight it.
Frequently Asked Questions about this Article…
The article focuses on Kevin Rudd (Rudd 2.0) and his main opponent Tony Abbott, plus the internal challenge of the ALP (Australian Labor Party). Rudd is taking a two‑pronged approach to beat Abbott and to reform 'old' Labor, making both the Liberal leader and Labor's brand central to the election fight.
Rudd's strategy is to attack on two fronts: directly confronting Tony Abbott on issues like asylum seekers, debt and carbon policy, while simultaneously distancing himself from the ALP's tarnished NSW branch by pushing rapid internal reforms to present 'Rudd Labor' as different from 'old' Labor.
Asylum seeker policy is a key battleground. The article says Rudd accuses Abbott's 'stop the boats' approach of risking diplomatic conflict with Indonesia and criticises Abbott for avoiding debates on boats. Rudd uses the issue to try to counter Abbott's messaging and seize the political initiative.
Rudd believes he has two big weapons: a double‑digit lead in 'better prime minister' polling, which gives him personal popularity, and the incumbency advantage — the prestige and resources of office plus control over election timing that Gillard previously surrendered.
The article details a strong negative association around Labor in NSW, citing union power, factions, alleged corruption and named figures (Eddie Obeid, Craig Thomson, Ian Macdonald), property developer dealings, zoning scandals and rorting — all of which have damaged the ALP's reputation in that state.
Rudd announced a lightning 30‑day federal intervention into the NSW ALP branch. According to the article, the fast compliance move is designed to signal to voters that Rudd Labor is different and to achieve at least one visible reform before an election is called.
Abbott argues that the only way to clean up Labor is to give it a spell in opposition. He presents opposition as the remedy for the party's internal problems, in contrast to Rudd's strategy of internal intervention and rapid reform.
The article calls it a 'postmodern' election in which both leaders agree one party brand is poisoned. Rudd is trying to unsettle Abbott and the old Labor machine simultaneously, while both leaders emphasise the damaged brand they want voters to notice.

