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Hedging risk should be part of housing landscape

The housing affordability problem has stimulated many policy responses over the years, as the cost of gaining a toehold on the property ladder has risen higher and higher.
By · 11 Aug 2012
By ·
11 Aug 2012
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The housing affordability problem has stimulated many policy responses over the years, as the cost of gaining a toehold on the property ladder has risen higher and higher.

The housing affordability problem has stimulated many policy responses over the years, as the cost of gaining a toehold on the property ladder has risen higher and higher.

From the 1960s until the 1980s, real (that is, inflation adjusted) house prices closely tracked growth in real average weekly earnings, according to a recent paper by the Sydney University economist Judith Yates.

Then house prices started to outpace earnings growth. According to data from the Housing Industry Association, between 1995 and 2010 the ratio of house prices to household income rose from under 2.5:1 to more than 4:1.

Yates's paper shows that by 2010 real house prices were more than four times those of 1960, compared with real average weekly earnings being less than 2? times 1960 levels.

Offering grants to first-home buyers is one policy response. But if there is no increase in the supply of housing, such grants tend simply to drive up prices the benefit is captured by existing home owners and does not help affordability.

Stamp duty relief for first-home buyers was tried recently in NSW. Again, the question is whether it increases supply - by encouraging developers to build when they otherwise would not - or just feeds into higher prices.

In thinking about other approaches, a good starting point is to consider the benefits that buying a house or apartment delivers. One is security of tenure, unlike in rental accommodation where leases typically last only six months or a year.

Another important benefit is financial. Paying off the mortgage is a form of saving and most of us find the enforced saving of a mortgage easier than voluntary saving.

There is also the prospect of a capital gain. Since most people borrow heavily to buy a house, the gain can be large when expressed as a percentage of the amount of equity you put into the house. (Of course, when house prices fall people can see their equity wiped out.)

This capital gain is also tax-free, making owner-occupied housing an attractive vehicle in which to accumulate savings.

All this means that if housing affordability gets harder, it is also harder for people to accumulate significant savings over their lifetime.

In other words, there are good public policy reasons to try to respond to the challenge of housing affordability.

The economist Robert Shiller, of Yale University, has written about the risks facing people who are in the housing market - and people who are not in the housing market but would like to to be.

He has long argued that it would make sense if people could buy financial instruments linked to the value of house prices. In fact, the Case-Shiller index of house prices in the US is now the basis for futures and options contracts traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange.

If you are not in the housing market - but would like to buy a house in the future - you can buy such a financial instrument to partially hedge yourself against the risk of house prices rising sharply.

Extending Shiller's thinking, perhaps another approach would be to encourage the establishment of managed investment funds that owned pools of residential houses and apartments, with consumers able to buy units in the fund.

These units would offer consumers a hedge - because if the price of houses rose, the value of the units would also rise.

A young person could buy units with a small value to start with (putting, say, a few hundred dollars a month into such a fund). Alternatively, they could buy units with a larger face value, partly funded by a bank loan.

It might even be possible to make these units capital gains tax free if the proceeds of their sale were used to purchase a home to live in.

These managed funds could inject new demand into the housing market. They could also offer innovative forms of leasehold tenure over houses and apartments, with longer terms than is common in the market today (three or five years, say, or even longer.) This could help make rental accommodation a more attractive and satisfactory alternative to owner-occupied housing.

The merits of these specific ideas can be debated. The basic premise, though, is the one for which Robert Shiller has argued. How can we help people either in the housing market, or wishing to enter the housing market, to hedge some of the risk they face?

It is fruitful territory for policy innovation.

Paul Fletcher is a Liberal MP.

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Frequently Asked Questions about this Article…

Research cited in the article shows that from the 1960s to the 1980s real house prices tracked real average weekly earnings, but from the 1990s onward house prices began to outpace earnings. Data from the Housing Industry Association show the ratio of house prices to household income rose from under 2.5:1 in 1995 to more than 4:1 by 2010. That growing gap between house prices and incomes is a core reason housing affordability has become harder.

Not necessarily. The article explains that grants and stamp duty relief can help buyers only if they lead to an increase in housing supply. If supply doesn't rise, these measures often push up prices and end up benefiting existing homeowners rather than improving affordability for buyers.

Owning a home offers security of tenure (longer-term housing stability than typical short rental leases), enforced saving through mortgage repayments, and the prospect of capital gains. The article also notes that capital gains on owner-occupied housing are effectively tax-free, which makes home ownership an attractive way to accumulate wealth for many people.

Because most buyers borrow heavily, a drop in house prices can quickly wipe out the equity they have built up. The article highlights this downside of leverage: capital gains can be large when prices rise, but losses can be severe if prices fall, erasing homeowners' equity.

Yes — the article discusses Robert Shiller's idea that people could buy financial instruments linked to house-price indices. For example, the US Case-Shiller index is already used as the basis for futures and options traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, and such instruments could let prospective buyers partially hedge the risk of house prices rising sharply.

The article proposes encouraging managed funds that own pools of houses and apartments and sell units to consumers. Buying units would let people gain exposure to house-price movements (a hedge against rising prices). Young people could invest small monthly amounts or buy larger units partly funded by loans. Such funds could also offer longer leasehold terms and potentially inject new demand into the housing market.

The article suggests a policy option where units might be made capital-gains-tax free if the sale proceeds were used to buy an owner-occupied home. This is presented as a possible innovation to help people convert investment exposure into home ownership, though the merits would need public debate and design.

The article urges exploring policy innovation that helps people hedge housing risk — for example, supporting financial instruments linked to house-price indices or establishing managed residential funds that consumers can buy into. The basic idea, championed by Robert Shiller and discussed here, is to give people more tools to manage the risks of entering or being in the housing market.