The artful offsider is now the political main act, writes Heath Aston.
WHEN Walter Secord was 17, his high school teacher spotted him walking across a highway and entering an Indian reservation, home to 800 of the Mississaugas First Nations tribe of southern Ontario, Canada.
Intrigued, the history teacher asked his student the next day what he was doing visiting the grog-ravaged New Credit settlement on the edge of town.
"I told my teacher: I wasn't visiting, that's where I live," says Secord, who has replaced the Labor powerbroker Eddie Obeid in the NSW upper house.
"Because of my light complexion, no one ever looked at me and assumed I was native. In university, I would turn up to action meetings and be the lightest-skinned kid compared to the urban Indians but I was also the only one among them who was tribal."
The story of how Secord went from a reservation in Canada to become Kristina Keneally's chief of staff and spin doctor extraordinaire - as well as an election-winning campaign strategist for Kevin Rudd and Bob Carr - is among the more colourful told in a maiden speech to the NSW Parliament in recent times.
Born on Christmas Day 1964 - just four years after Canada's native people got the vote - Secord is the child of a full-blooded Mohawk-Ojibway father, also called Walter, who had spent a childhood "soaked with alcoholism, poverty, violence and illiteracy", including serving time as a juvenile offender.
His Anglo-Canadian mother, Brenda, was 15 when she became pregnant with Walter and was forced to move onto the reserve after being rejected by her father.
Theirs was one of only three interracial marriages among the Mississaugas. Walter snr is now a teetotaller Christian and the couple are about to celebrate their 48th wedding anniversary.
Secord, who is known universally in NSW politics as "Walt", defied the educational odds on the reservation to make it to university before becoming a reporter on the Toronto Star newspaper.
After arriving in Sydney in 1988, he worked as a reporter for the Australian Jewish News - rare for a non-Jewish journalist - before joining the office of the former NSW transport minister Brian Langton in 1995. He was quickly elevated to Carr's office, where he helped the master communicator win elections in 1999 and 2003. Bruce Hawker, Carr's then chief of staff, poached him from Langton's office to be Carr's press secretary.
"He was creative," says Hawker. "He could always muster up a [positive] story from virtually nothing. You need someone like that in government. He had the energy to trawl through the Government Gazette and find things others had missed."
After he left Carr's office, Hawker gave Secord work at his Labor-aligned lobbyist firm Hawker Britton before parachuting him into Rudd's office in Canberra 12 months before the Kevin07 campaign. Straight after the historic win for Labor, Secord was moved (some say shafted) to the office of Justine Elliot, the then minister for ageing, before returning to Sydney in 2009 to work briefly for treasurer Eric Roozendaal and then Keneally.
Keneally describes Secord as "among Australia's best" political and media operators but also "policy smart". "He can analyse a problem, see its root causes, and understand how to use the tools of government to respond," she says.
"When I disagreed with him, he would consider my arguments and could change his view. That's a skill too many politicians are unable or unwilling to develop."
Secord, who has a girlfriend and a 20-year-old daughter, lives in Sydney's inner-west. Speaking on the record for the first time about his career is no small thing.
"This is a 360-degree change for me," he says. "The buck now stops with me."
While reliance on spin over substance led to Labor's annihilation at the ballot box in March, Secord sees little evidence of Barry O'Farrell's promise of a spin-free new beginning in NSW.
"From what I can see, Barry O'Farrell is spin on steroids. First thing he does is claim a budget black hole so he can frame the argument in favour of massive cuts and attack workers," says Secord. "Then he gags Parliament for the first time in 105 years over the industrial relations legislation. He attacked us for proroguing Parliament and then he shuts down the house of review."
The last point is a sensitive one for Secord, with much speculation earlier in the year that he and Roozendaal had influenced Keneally to shut Parliament to avoid scrutiny over Labor's botched electricity privatisation. Unwilling to speak - even off the record - about that decision, Secord will say only: "Ultimately the decision rested with Kristina. She said that publicly herself."
Ask any Liberal and you'll hear that Secord was part of the disease that caught up with Labor - typified by shutting Parliament - rather than part of the solution for its future.
"He was certainly a formidable opponent in that communications role but in the end the press gallery had seen through him," says a senior Liberal. "When you've re-announced the north-west rail link four times and there's been no action, you start to lose credibility. His style really began to frustrate the journos."
Liberals are happy to see Secord in the upper house where he will be joined by the former primary industries minister Steve Whan, who lost his seat of Monaro but will be parachuted into the Legislative Council to raise the ALP's leadership stocks.
"Having Walt Secord and Steve Whan taking up seats is just more proof that Labor talks about renewal but still hasn't acted upon the talk," says the Liberal source.
Hawker believes O'Farrell's team underestimates Secord at its peril. "I think he will be a real front-footer. He's a big man but he's highly energetic. I'd be surprised if he didn't find his way into the shadow ministry very early on. Robbo and co. will be listening to what he has to say because there was no one better at dealing with the press gallery than Walt."
Frequently Asked Questions about this Article…
Who is Walt Secord and why might investors be interested in his role in NSW politics?
Walt Secord is a senior NSW Labor figure who moved from journalism into political communications and government roles — press secretary for Bob Carr, a strategist on Kevin Rudd’s campaign, Kristina Keneally’s chief of staff, and now a member of the NSW Legislative Council. Investors track people like Secord because his experience in media, policy and government can influence how state policy is shaped and communicated — which affects regulatory settings, infrastructure decisions and market confidence in New South Wales.
How could Walt Secord’s influence affect energy policy and the electricity privatization debate in NSW?
The article links Secord to the period when Labor’s botched electricity privatization prompted heavy scrutiny and later parliamentary maneuvers. While Secord declined to discuss specifics and said decisions rested with Kristina Keneally, his senior roles around that time mean investors should watch any statements or policy moves he supports — especially on electricity privatization — because changes to energy policy directly affect utility regulation, pricing and investment returns.
What does Secord’s background in media and communications mean for investor transparency and market messaging?
Secord is described as a highly skilled media operator — creative, energetic and adept at framing stories. For investors, that means government messaging out of offices he’s associated with may be tightly managed. Skilled spin can shape market perceptions quickly, so everyday investors should look beyond headlines and read policy detail to assess the real economic impact of announcements.
Which NSW sectors are most likely to be affected by policy moves associated with Secord and his political circle?
Based on the article, sectors to monitor include energy (electricity privatization), transport and infrastructure (the north‑west rail link is mentioned), and industrial relations (changes to IR legislation). These areas are often central to state budgets and regulation, so policy shifts or public debate in these sectors can create investment risk or opportunity.
Does the article suggest any concerns about government stability or parliamentary process that investors should note?
Yes. The article highlights controversy over proroguing parliament amid the electricity privatization debate and criticism of spin-driven politics. Such parliamentary tactics and high-profile political disputes can raise short-term political risk and uncertainty, which may affect investor confidence in state-level decisions and timelines for projects or reforms.
How should everyday investors evaluate political risk in NSW following the changes described in the article?
Monitor policy announcements, budget statements and parliamentary proceedings closely — especially debates on privatization, infrastructure spending and industrial relations. Track statements from key figures named in the article (for example Secord, Keneally and relevant ministers), look for legislative detail rather than slogans, and factor potential delays or regulatory shifts into valuation and timing decisions.
What do reactions from political colleagues and opponents in the article tell investors about future policymaking?
Colleagues like Bruce Hawker praise Secord’s policy smarts and media skills, while Liberal critics paint him as part of the problem that led to Labor’s electoral defeat. That split suggests policy debates will be contested and messaging aggressive — investors should expect partisan scrutiny and lobbying around major reforms, which can affect how quickly and smoothly policy changes are implemented.
What practical steps can everyday investors take to stay informed about policy developments tied to Walt Secord and NSW government decisions?
Follow NSW parliamentary updates, read full policy and budget documents, track media coverage from multiple outlets (not just headlines), and watch announcements related to energy privatization, transport projects and industrial relations. For direct signals, monitor statements from ministers and Labor’s Legislative Council members mentioned in the article, and consider how timing or uncertainty around these policies could affect holdings or investment plans tied to NSW markets.