PUBLIC private partnerships. The very name conjures up a range of emotions, most of them warm and fuzzy; everyone pulling together in a common bond, mustering that good ole Aussie Anzac spirit to raise living standards and help the community.
It's a concept that sits right in there with flood appeals, flags, the Southern Cross and Astrayaday.
But this week, in the midst of all the jingoistic celebrations, yet another disaster unfolded in yet another PPP.
First it was the tunnels. The Cross-City Tunnel went broke. So, too, did the Lane Cove Tunnel. In sunny Queensland, we've seen the debacles associated with the Clem7 tunnel and the ill-fated Brisconnections.
This week, we were told there were yet more problems with the delivery of the Waratah trains, the new generation rail sets that would catapult NSW commuters firmly into the 1990s. They would be delayed for the third time. Or was it the fourth? It was difficult to tell because the first few delays were never really announced.
If they do indeed arrive in April, as promised on Thursday, they will be more than a year overdue.
The company, the main P in the PPP, behind the latest debacle is Downer EDI, an engineering group that in the past decade has become well acquainted with controversy.
Despite it shedding chief executives with monotonous regularity, the NSW government in its wisdom awarded the contract to Downer EDI, the main shareholder in the Reliance Rail consortium, back in 2006.
Downer once had a track record in constructing and delivering rail stock. But the main attraction to the government was the price. Downer trumped its private-sector opponents for the contract because it was
the cheapest.
Downer expects to make a $400 million loss on the Waratah train contract, equal to several years of profits. But that is only if the banks to the consortium extend their loans. Otherwise the entire contract could collapse, leaving the NSW taxpayers with a financial headache and Downer in dire straits.
And this, after the financial debacle over the sale of the state's power assets.
After years of outsourcing infrastructure projects to the private sector, many with disastrous consequences, you have to wonder about the wisdom of these decisions.
Why has government, at both national and state levels, shirked its responsibility to the electorate for infrastructure development?
We still seem to have the same level of red tape and taxes. But key programs have been handed over to those with no public accountability and a desire to profit.
To a large extent, the answer to this conundrum can be sheeted home to an ill-conceived view that governments should not take on any debt, for fear of losing their coveted AAA debt ratings status, which seems a pointless ambition if you never want to borrow.
In politics, debt is considered to be evil and it's an easy card to play, to whip up fear. "We're putting our children and grandchildren in hock. We're mortgaging the future." You hear it every election.
But take a look at the corporate world. There, the opposite view is taken. Debt is essential for growth. Analysts look for the ability to repay interest and to refinance, and whether there are adequate assets to cover the debt, rather than the size of the debt itself.
A company with no debt is a company with a "lazy balance sheet", a corporation where management is considered incapable of seeking out investment opportunities that deliver more than the cost of interest. These are the sorts of companies investors avoid like the plague.
Perhaps it is time we looked at government in the same way.
The national infrastructure has been left to run down for decades because of our obsession with zero public debt. The absence of interest payments may have reduced the
drag on taxes, but it has not come without cost. Our export performance is not as
efficient as it should be.
And, on a range of services, taxpayers
are forking out far more for toll roads, transport, power and a range of services that have been handed over to the profit-seeking private sector.
Like all philosophies, the push to private ownership, which gathered pace during the 1980s, was rooted in powerful logic.
Governments should not be in business, the theory went. Private enterprise was
more efficient, less bureaucratic and would better serve taxpayers on a range of services from airlines and banking through to telecommunications.
The problem, however, is that our politicians became addicted to the concept
of outsourcing, creating the facade that
they were brilliant economic managers when, in reality, all they were doing was shifting the public debt into the private sector (which doesn't have a AAA rating
and must pay more interest), thereby making taxpayers pay even more for essential services.
Finally, when there was very little infrastructure left to sell, they began auctioning off future projects.
The cash-strapped NSW government was among the worst. If you had to concoct a list of vital infrastructure needs, virtually no one would have come up with a short tunnel from Balmain to Randwick.
But the Cross City Tunnel became a reality because the government needed cash and the investment bankers advising it knew they could sell the project to gullible investors. They worked the numbers backwards. They knew how much cash the project needed to generate, and then calculated how many cars needed to run through the tunnel to generate the cash flow. Brilliant!
And to achieve those traffic numbers, roads would be closed to ensure commuters were forced to pay.
These were projects designed not to achieve a public benefit, to solve traffic management problems, but to deliver windfall gains to a cash-strapped administration. The same process was repeated on the Lane Cove Tunnel and on the Brisbane projects.
In contrast, the Victorian government, when it called for tenders to build the ConnectEast motorway, stipulated the winning bidder, rather than be decided on its upfront fee, would be the one that could offer the lowest toll to the public.
The Keneally government in NSW has washed its hands of any responsibility over the latest debacle with Downer EDI and the Waratah trains.
But if governments are to continue with these kinds of arrangements, it is time they began to shoulder some accountability. After all, the third P in PPP stands for Partnership.
Frequently Asked Questions about this Article…
What is the Waratah train project and why have the Waratah trains been delayed?
The Waratah trains are a new-generation Sydney rail fleet delivered under a public–private partnership. According to the article, the trains have been repeatedly delayed (the third or fourth delay), were more than a year overdue, and were promised to arrive in April. The delays are part of a wider delivery debacle tied to the consortium responsible for the project.
Who is Downer EDI and what role do they play in the Waratah contract?
Downer EDI is the main private partner in the Waratah project and the principal shareholder in the Reliance Rail consortium that won the contract. The NSW government awarded the contract to Downer in 2006, making Downer the primary company responsible for delivering the train fleet under the PPP.
How much money does Downer expect to lose on the Waratah contract and what are the consequences?
The article states Downer expects to make a $400 million loss on the Waratah train contract. That estimate depends on banks extending loans to the consortium; if lenders refuse to extend finance, the contract could collapse, leaving NSW taxpayers with a financial headache and Downer in serious financial trouble.
What are the main risks public–private partnerships (PPPs) pose to everyday investors and taxpayers?
PPPs can shift public infrastructure risk into the private sector while leaving taxpayers exposed if projects fail. The article highlights repeated PPP failures (tunnels, rail) and argues that outsourcing can reduce public accountability, increase costs for services like toll roads and power, and create situations where taxpayers ultimately bear the financial fallout if private partners or lenders falter.
Which previous Australian infrastructure PPPs are cited as examples of trouble?
The article cites several troubled PPP projects: the Cross-City Tunnel and Lane Cove Tunnel in Sydney, and the Clem7 tunnel and Brisconnections projects in Brisbane. It also references the wider financial problems tied to the sale of the state's power assets as part of the outsourcing trend.
Why have governments favoured outsourcing infrastructure to private companies?
According to the article, governments have outsourced infrastructure largely due to an aversion to public debt—seeking to preserve AAA debt ratings—and a belief that private enterprise is more efficient. Politically, avoiding direct public borrowing is an easy sell to voters, so governments have used PPPs to shift debt and future project obligations into the private sector.
How can PPP contracting choices affect investors in the companies involved?
Investors should note PPP contracts can expose companies to big, unanticipated losses (as Downer faces with Waratah). Outcomes depend on contract pricing, delivery risk, and lenders' willingness to extend finance. If a consortium requires additional bank support and that support is withheld, the company’s financial position and shareholder value can be materially affected.
Are there examples of PPP procurement approaches designed to protect the public interest?
Yes. The article contrasts NSW’s approach with Victoria’s handling of the ConnectEast motorway tender. Victoria stipulated that the winning bidder would be the one offering the lowest toll to the public, rather than simply the highest upfront fee—an example of structuring a PPP tender to deliver better outcomes for users and taxpayers.