Leaders have few answers to Russia's stagnant economy
With the rate of economic growth declining towards zero, Mr Medvedev is making a renewed effort to show the business community that he knows what to do. In an unusually long article in the business daily Vedomosti, he acknowledged that the country's growth was largely artificial, the government was too dependent on revenue from the oil industry and that Russia offered a terrible environment for investment.
"Output growth is supported almost exclusively by large investment projects financed by the government and state-owned companies, salary rises in the public sector, an expansion of subsidies to agriculture and other sectors fuelled by the high oil price," Mr Medvedev wrote.
In other words, Russia's economy might not be growing at all if the government was not pouring oil money into subsidies and infrastructure projects such as the preparations for the Sochi Winter Olympics in 2014 and the soccer World Cup in 2018.
The private investment needed to replace the government spending, Mr Medvedev wrote, was not coming, in part because investors had an "understandable lack of trust in public institutions".
"We are at a crossroads," he said. Russia can continue going forward in slow motion, with economic growth close to zero, or it can take a serious step forward."
The second path "is fraught with risk", while the first "leads to a precipice". Few economists would argue with the diagnosis. The biggest flaw in Mr Medvedev's article, critics said, was the paucity of solutions. All he offered was a slowdown in tariff increases at state-owned utilities and some support for small business in the form of tax breaks, loans and government contracts. He also expounded on the need to turn Moscow into an international financial centre.
"What about safeguarding property rights and the quality of the judicial system, shrinking the state and using government resources effectively?" said Sergey Aleksashenko, at Moscow's Higher School of Economics. "What about privatisation and infrastructure?"
Mr Medvedev's article does not mention the word "corruption" or address capital flight, expected to reach $US70 billion this year. It offers no measures to foster competition, the focus of the latest World Bank report on Russia.
"Every month the Russian statistics committee surveys 25,000 entrepreneurs, trying to find out what obstacles they face, and every time they give the same answers: taxes, bureaucratic pressure, corruption," said Igor Nikolaev, head of strategic analysis at the audit firm FBK. "How long will the government close its eyes to that, merely pretending that it's doing something?"
Some worry Russia could be entering a new era of stagnation.
"A crisis is a situation you can enter and exit but stagnation is a situation with unpredictable consequences," Economics Minister Alexei Ulyukayev said.
Both the economy and the bureaucracy seem to be marking time, with the latter unable to take the radical action needed to break the impasse. All power belongs to one man, President Vladimir Putin, who recently indicated he intends to stay in power to 2024.
Even if Mr Medvedev had a bold plan to restart growth, he would lack the authority to implement it.
As the journalist Alexander Polivanov put it: "Medvedev is prepared to change separate parts of the government machine, but not the machine itself."
Frequently Asked Questions about this Article…
The article says growth has been largely artificial, driven by big government and state-owned projects funded by oil revenue rather than broad private investment. For investors this means the economy may be fragile — growth could slow or stall if government spending or oil prices drop, and private-sector returns may be constrained by structural problems.
According to the article, much of Russia's output is sustained by oil money used for subsidies and infrastructure (for example, Olympics and World Cup preparations). That reliance makes the economy vulnerable to oil-price swings and reduces incentives for private investment, increasing risk for investors who depend on stable, diversified growth.
Medvedev suggested slowing tariff increases at state-owned utilities, and offering small businesses tax breaks, loans and government contracts, plus promoting Moscow as an international financial centre. Critics in the article say these steps are modest and do not address deeper issues like property rights, judicial quality, corruption or capital flight, so many remain unconvinced.
The article highlights entrepreneurs consistently naming taxes, bureaucratic pressure and corruption as major obstacles, and notes weak trust in public institutions deters private investment. For everyday investors this signals elevated political and legal risk that can hamper investment returns and make exit or enforcement more difficult.
The article reports capital flight is expected to reach about US$70 billion this year. Large capital outflows can signal low investor confidence, pressure the currency and financial markets, and reflect broader risks that foreign and domestic investors should factor into decisions.
The article says government and state-owned companies currently support most output through large projects, so those areas may benefit from continued state funding. However, that support depends on political priorities and oil revenues, so such investments carry concentration and policy risk rather than guaranteed safety.
The article suggests skepticism: critics say Medvedev lacks the authority to implement sweeping change, power is centralized with President Putin, and the government bureaucracy appears unable or unwilling to take radical action. That implies large structural reforms may be unlikely in the near term.
Based on the article's points, investors should do careful due diligence, assess political and legal risks (property rights, judicial quality, corruption), consider exposure to oil-price and state-funding risks, diversify holdings, and be cautious about relying on short-term government-driven growth when making allocation decisions.

